The Revolution of the Poor in Iraq, Exposing the Crimes of the Quota System
It has been five days so far that the city of Baghdad and most of the cities of central and southern Iraq with the mass protests have being demanding for job opportunities, improvement in the standard of living and provision of basic necessities such as electricity, drinking water, health services and education for the vast majority of Iraqi society. These protests have rightly been described as the revolution of the poor.
The confrontation between the Iraqi proletariat with the crushed masses, on the one hand, and the system of quotas, corruption and oppression, the reactionary and backward regime, on the other hand, has entered a new hard-hitting historical struggle in which these protests have given greater depth to the contradiction between the oppressed masses, the Islamic and nationalist parties and forces, their political system and their terrorist militias.
The experiences of the past years and the class confrontations since 2011 and more precisely since the protests that took place in the city of Basra last year was to demand for jobs and provide bread and living, where the masses felt conspiracies and plots from the Islamic political parties and their poisons in sowing illusions, their lies and also riding the wave of protests at times, and other times they hold power, oppress the masses and share quotas among them on sectarian grounds.
As the fascist religious parties, their military institutions and their militias, including the Swat, Badr forces, Asaib, and other criminal militias, have not been allowed to expose their allegations and expose their conspiracies and attempts to divide the masses of protesters this time, thus, they have used weapons, excessive force and live bullets against the masses of women, children and the elderly and utilised the most heinous forms of repression and violence, brutality and barbarism against the masses. In this regard, the preliminary estimates prove that the number of casualties exceeded thousands of dead and wounded.
The movement of October has been characterized by the complete separation of the masses from the political and religious currents which is an irreversible separation. The struggles of the past ten years have enriched the working masses and laborers with a clear social awareness of the corruption and decay of these forces and parties to the point of their belief in the re-experience of March 1991. Not only that, but the rebellious masses have drawn pages of heroism and dedication that have never been seen in Iraq’s political history. The October movement has made the weaknesses and illusions of the “Arab Spring” of holding hope for the military and religious and liberal opposition, past illusions contradicted by post-Arab Spring events. The protesting masses showed that they had no hopes of military action or a coup d’état, to the same extent that the illusions of Sunni and Shia political Islam were dissipated. This movement has positively exceeded the recent Sudanic struggle as the protestors do not believe the army which will lead them to share a new government and give up on their revolution.
So what should be done now? The current situation in Iraq and the political and social balances, internal and external, impose on the uprising masses, today or tomorrow, the serious pursuit of final liberation and end the existence of the existing regime. The political horizon and the hope of emancipation and the end of the system of social exploitation and oppression is not a final claim as much as a fundamental struggle issue, and cannot be postponed or replaced by another alternative.
The organization of the masses of protesters in their revolutionary councils or any forms of mass dynamic and flexible organizations can ensure the progress and development of the movement, and work to reject scattering and dispersion and confining confrontations in a number of cities and bronchi and the attempt to broad participation of both nationalities and the use of all forms of struggle, became an urgent and fateful issue.
The regime has revealed its inability to confront the solidarity and courage of the protesting masses, and began to launch a campaign of false and pacifist promises and seeks to negotiate with the representatives of the movement, and this is an opportune moment to elect a group of revolutionaries to represent the movement, we must declare ‘NO’ to any secret negotiations. Representatives should be elected by the movement directly and publicly. We must take advantage of all forms of mass struggle, from demonstrations to sit-ins, civil disobedience and the use of all tools of struggle and organization, from organizing neighborhoods and centers in revolutionary councils and revolutionary committees to the armed uprising when we secure their material and social requirements.